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From the inauguration of the Ministry of Gender Equality in January
to the final ruling by the International Women's Court on the case
of sexual slavery by war criminals in the Hague in December, 2001
was a bustling year for the women's movement.
Women in Korea made progress this year particularly in terms of
the legislation and revision of women-related laws, the spontaneous
azooma movement (a term referring to married women) led by ordinary
women, and efforts to gather the voices of women for greater political
participation in view of next year's elections.
[Top Ten News of 2001 in the Women's Movement]
[1] Launching of a Small, 102-member
Ministry
[2] The First Step toward Social Responsibility in
Childbirth and Childcare
[3] Successful Non-acceptance Campaign by Women and
Civic Groups
[4] Determined to "Eradicate Prostitution by
Punishing Go-Betweens"
[5] In the Name of the Weak, We Demand Peace
[6] Emphasizing that "Human Rights Come before
Rank"
[7] "We are Family Too" Cry Women Opposing
Anachronistic Court Ruling
[8] 87% of Population Approves - Second ID Publicity
Set for March
[9] Gender Equality in Sex Remains to be Tackled
[10] "In Love with Azooma"
Ministry of Gender Equality sets sail as
the administrative department in charge of women's affairs
With the beginning of the year came the long-awaited launching of
the Ministry of Gender Equality. Women groups had been calling for
the establishment of a ministry in charge of women's affairs, so
that the state could propel women policies, at least until gender
equality is established and women's potential sufficiently realized.
And finally this long-cherished dream had come true.
The biggest change that occurred with the launching of the Ministry
was that unlike the Presidential Commission on Women's Affairs,
the Ministry of Gender Equality was a part of the central administrative
branch endowed with legislative rights such as the right to propose
bills and decrees. Also, the Minister of Gender Equality was given
voting rights during State Affairs Meetings. Laws forming the basis
of the Ministry's policy implementation also grew in number. The
two laws enacted under the Presidential Commission on Women's Affairs,
the Basic Act for Women's Development and the Act on the Prohibition
and Prevention of Gender Discrimination, were followed by four more
- the Act on the Punishment of Sexual Violence and Protection of
Victims, the Act on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and Protection
of Victims, the Anti-Prostitution Act, and the Act on Living Support
for Comfort Women Drafted by the Japanese Military. There are now
six laws forming the legal basis for the Ministry's activities.
After lengthy consultations with the Ministry of Government Administration
and Home Affairs, the organization of the Ministry of Gender Equality
was finalized as one office, three bureaus, one council officer,
three officials, eight departments and a total of 102 personnel.
The Ministry thus started out as the smallest among the 18 ministries
in the Republic, leaving the task of expansion - both in terms of
size and duties - for the future. The first Minister of Gender Equality
is Han Myung Sook, once an activist in the feminist movement whose
appointment was welcomed by women groups. Minister Han promised
to "faithfully carry out the role of an architect building
the new house called the Ministry of Gender Equality."
Passing of Maternity Protection Laws
The Maternity Protection bill (the bill for the revision of the
Labor Standard Act, Equal Employment Act and Employment Insurance
Act), the biggest issue among women groups that had dragged on in
the National Assembly for nearly a year, was finally passed in July
this year. Accordingly, the new law now applies to women workers
who give birth after November 1. Thanks to the revised laws, maternity
leave has been lengthened from 60 days to 90, and men and women
with children less than a year old can take a maximum of one year's
paid childcare leave.
But the birth of the Maternity Protection Laws was not easy. Its
enforcement was held back for two years due to opposition from the
business circle and its representation the United Liberal Democrats.
There was fierce backlash from women groups as well, as suggestions
like enforcing parts of the law while withholding others sparked
off long-drawn out debates.
Even the passing of the bill did not go smoothly, with legislators
showing differing opinions to the very end. An agreement was reached
with great difficulty through the meeting of the secretary-generals
of the three parties. However, in return for getting the bill passed
within the year, advocates had to forego miscarriage and stillbirth
leaves, monthly one-day leaves to visit the obstetrician, and long-term
leaves to nurse family members. Also, other points of contention
such as who should pay for costs incurred and what should be done
about menstrual leaves were postponed for future debate. Even after
the passing of the bill, arguments continued on the salary for paid
childcare leave. Women groups lashed out with a vengeance when they
first heard that the Ministry of Labor had suggested 100,000 won
a month, and in the end the final sum was settled at 200,000 won.
In retrospect, women groups say, "Although the revised Maternity
Protection laws did not live up to expectations, it was a meaningful
first step towards transferring some of the burden of maternity
protection on to society."
The distortion of history in Japanese textbooks
When Japan's Ministry of Literature and Science authorized the history
textbook written by famously conservative organization 'Gathering
to Write New History Textbooks', it was the beginning of a furious
controversy. Reflecting the long-standing position of its ultra-conservative
writers who refuse to acknowledge responsibility for comfort women
forcefully drafted by the Japanese military, the new history textbook
completely leaves out any mention of such matters.
Women groups including the Korean Council of Women Drafted for Military
Sexual Slavery by Japan, together with civic groups, launched the
Campaign to Correct Japanese History Textbooks, unflaggingly criticizing
Japan's move to distort historical truths and calling for the revision
of the textbook. The Korean government also played its part, making
a formal request to Japan to revise the history textbook in question,
which the Japanese authorities denied. Civic groups in Korea and Japan
then changed tactics - instead of calling on the Japanese government
to correct the wrongs in the textbook, they called on the education
boards of local autonomies to choose not to use the wrong textbook.
The civic groups had switched to a 'non-acceptance campaign.'
Asian women in Korea, China and Japan also went into action, participating
in the Asian Solidarity Conference on Distortion of History in Japanese
Textbooks. They wrote to the exhibition center displaying the controversial
textbooks, and faxed letters of protest to education boards that seemed
likely to adopt the problematic textbook for school use. The Asian
women proved quite effective, once succeeding in turning a district
around by bombarding it with protest mail after the news reported
that its education board had adopted the problematic textbook. Thanks
to the activities of women and civic groups in Korea and Japan, the
districts that did select to use the infamous textbook accounted for
a mere 0.1% of Japan, with not a single public secondary school choosing
to use the textbook.
Move to legislate the Anti-Prostitution Act
The tragic fire in Gunsan red light district that occurred this
year served to reveal the plight of human rights deprivation suffered
by women in prostitution. This year was marked by women groups'
efforts to publicize the severity of prostitution in Korean society
and to legislate effective anti-prostitution laws. The Act on the
Punishment and Prevention of Exploitation of Prostitution that women
groups have petitioned the National Assembly to legislate focuses
mainly on driving out the prostitution industry from the economy
by punishing go-betweens and brothel keepers, confiscating their
earnings for state use, and redeeming the debts that prostitutes
have been unfairly forced into.
The Act now under deliberation differs considerably from the current
Act on the Prevention of Prostitution. Although the principle of
punishing both parties is maintained, the disabled, foreign women,
youths, and those forced into prostitution through kidnap, confinement,
rape, violence, blackmail, fraud and debt liabilities are excluded
from punishment. Also, the new laws abolish the enforced institutionalization
of victims in homes or facilities.
Efforts have been made to form global networks against prostitution.
In October, under the auspices of Saewoomtuh and the Alliance for
the Human Rights of Migrant Women, activists from organizations
overseas were invited to a symposium on solutions to international
human trafficking and prostitution. Women groups consistently point
out that the most important task is to overcome deeply rooted problems
such as the dark connection between prostitution rings and law enforcement
authorities, the double standards when it comes to sex, prejudice
against women involved in prostitution and so on.
Anti-war campaign by women
As the Bush administration's declaration of 'War against Terrorism'
following the September 11 terrorist attacks swept the entire world
into a state of war, women showing great insight on peace and justice
sent out anti-war messages in voices louder than ever before.
Women groups formed the 'Women's Action For Peace and Against War'
and criticized the Bush administration's attempts to force the world
to take sides by insisting, "You're either with us or with
the terrorists." The women also opposed the US's initiative
and Korea's support of the strike-back on Afghanistan, which would
take away millions of innocent lives. Young women Internet users
formed an alliance named WAW (Women Against War) to call for peace
and justice as seen through "the eyes of women, children, ethnic
minorities and the socially weak," and above all to appeal
to people to listen to the voices of Afghan women.
As the indiscriminate bombing of Afghanistan continues and as the
US prepares for another war, the voices of women calling for peace
have grown louder, creating bigger and bigger ripples through conferences,
film festivals, rallies and so on.
The discourse on peace initiated by Korean women is gaining ground
as they go beyond patriotism dependent on armed force, beyond nationalism
dependent on anti-American sentiments, to oppose militarism itself.
These women have launched a campaign to oppose the Korean government's
dispatching of military forces to Afghanistan and passing of the
Anti-Terrorism Bill. At the same time, they are supporting Afghan
refugees and concentrating on forming alliances with international
peace organizations.
Re-evaluation of women soldiers
The news of sexual harassment by a division commander that was reported
early this year served to highlight the problem of human rights
violation suffered by women in the military. Those who took up this
issue were none other than active and discharged women soldiers,
who pointed out that the closed-up structure, conservative attitude
and male chauvinism in the military prevented the victim from taking
any measures for more than a year after she had been subject to
sexual harassment.
Women soldiers stress that "human rights come before rank"
while pointing out that 'real equality' would be a far away dream
unless something is done about the culture of sexual discrimination
and violence. In particular, they demand that the military listen
to women soldiers' opinion on issues such as the closing down of
women's military academies or the status of women soldiers in the
military. The power of women in the military was proven by the successful
revival of the Armed Forces Nursing Academy within three years since
the decision in 1998 to close it down. Army reserves who had graduated
from this academy joined forces to save their alma mater from extinction,
fighting against what they called 'an organization's selfishness
in using as a scapegoat the arm with the least power and lowest
ranks.' Also noteworthy is the fact that the sexual harassment case
and the campaign to save the nursing academy were handled not just
by women soldiers alone but through alliance with women groups.
The recent appointment of Korea's first-ever woman general is also
expected to contribute to the enhancement of women's status both
in the military and society. Women soldiers hope that the birth
of the first woman general in Korea would not end up highlighting
women's role as the 'token female' in the military but serve to
"refresh perceptions of gender equality and women's development
in the military."
Married women sue for share of clan inheritance
There was an interesting lawsuit case where women, asking to be
acknowledged as members of the clan even after marriage, sued their
clans to claim their share of inheritance. This 'rebellion of daughters'
shook the very foundation of the patriarchal system while proving
the potential of women's movement at the grassroots level.
The lawsuit by married women against their maiden clans dates back
to 1997. Due to the government's policies to develop new towns on
the outskirts of Seoul, several clans based in Suji, Yongin-gun,
Gyeonggi province decided to sell off the clan lands. When the price
of land in the area suddenly soared, the male clan members revised
the clan rules without the female descendents' consent, changing
the conditions of eligibility for clan membership from 'descendant'
to 'male adult aged 20 years and above.' Based on the hurriedly
changed rules, the men then divided the revenue from the sale of
clan land among themselves.
There are four clans where the women have filed inheritance claims
- the Shims of Cheongsong, the Lees of Yongin, the Lees of Seongju,
and the Kims of Gimhae. However, the women are facing another round
of defeat in the second trial, already having lost the first round.
In December 11, the Seoul Supreme Court dismissed the case by women
from Samaenggong sect of the Lees of Yongin, who had asked the courts
to settle the dispute over clan membership.
The Shims of Cheongsong were told by the judges in both the first
and second trials to settle the matter between the parties involved,
but the women have refused to do so. The women are more determined
than ever to change the anachronistic ruling that says only men
are eligible for clan membership, and are now preparing to take
the case to the Constitutional Court. The Shims of Cheongseong,
Lees of Yongin and Lees of Seongju women are currently on a signature-collecting
drive and preparing the necessary papers to take to the Constitutional
Court. Meanwhile, women from Heonnabgong sect of the Lees of Yongin
are also preparing another inheritance lawsuit, showing that unless
the clan's attitude or court ruling changes, the rebellion of daughters
will go on.
Sexual criminals who have victimized youths
to have their identity opened to public
The heated debate over the actions of the Prime Ministerial Committee
on Youth Protection in August 30 has yet to cool off. The Committee
had revealed the identity of 196 persons found guilty of sexual
crimes against youths.
According to the survey conducted jointly by the Committee and the
Korean Information Service among 1000 adults, 87.3% of those surveyed
were for revealing the identity of sexual criminals. On the other
hand, those against it took issue with its unconstitutionality,
pointing out that it is "a violation of the human rights of
the criminal and a double punishment." However, a recent symposium
on educational systems held by the Korea Legal Psychology Society
and Korea Criminal Policy Society said that this form of punishment
was "not unconstitutional," and focused rather on its
preventive effects.
Experts stress that sexual crimes against youths is not just a form
of sexual exploitation that destroys the hearts and minds of youths
and scars them for life but a social evil that threatens the future
of the nation. Furthermore, publicizing the identity of those found
guilty of sexual crimes against youths is aimed at preventing the
recurrence of such crimes and protecting youths rather than punishing
violators.
The courts, however, earned much public censure with rulings that
held youths partially responsible for their own prostitution - a
judge ruled that prostitution could not be punished if no one paid
for the sex, while another ordered youths involved in prostitution
not to leave home at night. Regarding such rulings, civic groups
say that "it is too early to talk about the human rights of
aggressors when their crimes have yet to be eradicated." The
civic groups demand that the criminals' full address and picture
be opened to the public, while calling for more realistic measures
to help runaway youths.
The second round of publicizing sexual criminals' identities is
scheduled for early March next year, and the finalized list contains
445 persons.
Controversy over the marketing of emergency
contraceptives
The controversy that was sparked off in May by Hyundai Pharmaceutical's
application to the Korea Food and Drug Administration for license
to import 'Norevo' produced by French pharmaceutical HRA Pharma
finally reached a conclusion when the Administration decided to
'allow its import, categorizing it as a professional prescription
drug."
At first, a variety of opinions were thrown into the debate, from
worries over 'aggravated sexual promiscuity' to demands to 'lower
the abortion rate.' However, as the debate proceeded, the main point
of contention turned out to be whether the drug should be imported
under the category of general or professional medication. And in
the end, the diverse opinions converged to a more realistic approach
of 'prevention of abuse.' In conclusion, from early next year, you
can use the morning-after pill if you have a doctor's prescription.
The contraceptive, which will be sold at around 10,000 won per set
of two pills, is expected to create a market worth some 10 billion
won, considerably impacting the pharmaceutical industry,.
Furthermore, several domestic pharmaceutical companies have applied
for license to produce the emergency contraceptive now that its
import has been approved. However, the biggest issue concerning
this type of contraceptive remains unresolved - how 'Norevo' would
affect the health of women.
We have yet to see whether this drug will help reduce the annual
average of 1.2 million abortions or help place the entire burden
of birth control on women alone.
At the end of the day, the emergency pill has left a string of tasks
to be tackled - changing the people's attitude towards using contraceptives
before sex, establishing gender equality in sex, making obstetric
clinics more approachable.
Drama <Azooma> creates ripples
The MBC drama <Azooma> was the talk of the town throughout
the year. And just when it was starting to fade in the people's
minds, the Ministry of Gender Equality selected the drama for the
'Presidential Award for TV Programs Promoting Gender Equality' in
December.
The drama, which portrayed the life of an ordinary woman in search
of independence, amassed considerable popularity among women and
azoomas for its accurate representation of the heartaches and daily
lives of azoomas, who have lived under the patriarchal system as
women but not women, humans but not humans. Amidst criticism that
it was 'encouraging divorce' and 'making fools out of scholars,'
the drama rendered a realistic portrayal of the process of divorce,
and highlighted the problems of the hoju system and the necessity
of its abolishment, becoming one of the very rare TV dramas to advocate
women's rights. Unlike the normal fare of dramas where family discord
never fails to turn into harmony as the drama nears its far-fetched
ending, the heroine in <Azooma> delighted viewers by challenging
the hypocritical attitude of her in-laws and becoming a born-again
feminist who wants to abolish the hoju system and give her children
her surname.
The drama spoke so eloquently of the heartache of women and azoomas
in particular that empathetic women Internet users demanded for
and succeeded in getting the producers to change the pre-written
conclusion. This incident showed the potential for feminist movement
expansion into the arena of TV dramas.
Besides the obvious benefits of critical acclaim for the writer
and producers and greater popularity for the heroine, the drama
also contributed to making azooma one of the buzzwords of this year.
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